The Constitutional Ratification Convention of New York provisionally ratifies the Constitution for the united States (YEA, 30; NAY, 27) of the 19 provisions, numbers 3, 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, and 24 of which state:

  • That the Powers of Government may be reassumed by the People, whensoever it shall become necessary to their Happiness; that every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by the said Constitution clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments of the Government thereof, remains to the People of the several States, or to their respective State Governments to whom they may have granted the same; And that those Clauses in the said Constitution, which declare, that Congress shall not have or exercise certain Powers, do not imply that Congress is entitled to any Powers not given by the said Constitution; but such Clauses are to be construed either as exceptions to certain specified Powers, or as inserted merely for greater Caution [This is the Right of Secession].
  • That standing Armies in time of Peace are dangerous to Liberty, and ought not to be kept up, except in Cases of necessity; and that at all times, the Military should be under strict Subordination to the civil Power.
  • That excessive Bail ought not to be required; nor excessive Fines imposed; nor Cruel or unusual Punishments inflicted.
  • That (except in the Government of the Land and Naval Forces, and of the Militia when in actual Service, and in cases of Impeachment) a Presentment or Indictment by a Grand Jury ought to be observed as a necessary preliminary to the trial of all Crimes cognizable by the Judiciary of the United States, and such Trial should be speedy, public, and by an impartial Jury of the County where the Crime was committed; and that no person can be found Guilty without the unanimous consent of such Jury. But in cases of Crimes not committed within any County of any of the United States, and in Cases of Crimes committed within any County in which a general Insurrection may prevail, or which may be in the possession of a foreign Enemy, the enquiry and trial may be in such County as the Congress shall by Law direct; which County in the two Cases last mentioned should be as near as conveniently may be to that County in which the Crime may have been committed. And that in all Criminal Prosecutions, the Accused ought to be informed of the cause and nature of his Accusation, to be confronted with his accusers and the Witnesses against him, to have the means of producing his Witnesses, and the assistance of Council for his defense, and should not be compelled to give Evidence against himself.
  • That the trial by Jury in the extent that it obtains by the Common Law of England is one of the greatest securities to the rights of a free People, and ought to remain inviolate.
  • That every Freeman has a right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures of his person his papers or his property, and therefore, that all Warrants to search suspected places or seize any Freeman his papers or property, without information upon Oath or Affirmation of sufficient cause, are grievous and oppressive; and that all general Warrants (or such in which the place or person suspected are not particularly designated) are dangerous and ought not to be granted.
  • That the People have a right peaceably to assemble together to consult for their common good, or to instruct their Representatives; and that every person has a right to Petition or apply to the Legislature for redress of Grievances.-That the Freedom of the Press ought not to be violated or restrained.
  • That no Treaty is to be construed so to operate as to alter the Constitution of any State.
  • That all Appeals in Causes determineable [sic] according to the course of the common Law, ought to be by Writ of Error and not otherwise.
  • That the Judicial Power of the United States as to Controversies between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States is not to be construed to extend to any other Controversies between them except those which relate to such Lands, so claimed under Grants of different States.
  • That the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States, or of any other Court to be instituted by the Congress, is not in any case to be encreased enlarged or extended by any Fiction Collusion or mere suggestion; And That no Treaty is to be construed so to operate as to alter the Constitution of any State.
  • [T]he Congress will not lay direct Taxes within this State, but when the Monies arising from the Impost and Excise shall be insufficient for the public Exigencies, nor then, until Congress shall first have made a Requisition upon this State to assess levy and pay the Amount of such Requisition made agreably [sic] to the Census fixed in the said Constitution in such way and manner as the Legislature of this State shall judge best, but that in such case, if the State shall neglect or refuse to pay its proportion pursuant to such Requisition, then the Congress may assess and levy this States proportion together with Interest at the Rate of six per Centum per Annum from the time at which the same was required to be paid. [emphasis added]

       This makes New York the 11th State to secede from the Confederation, and brings the balance, in the Senate, of free States and slave States to five free and six slave.

       NOTE: New York reserved all powers that it did not specifically delegate to Congress.

       [updated 8/1/2026]

       At the North Carolina Ratification Convention of 1788, Samuel Spencer, argues against ratification claiming the emergency power of Direct taxation will be made permanent by the Congress:

       I conceive this power to be too extensive, as it embraces all possible powers of taxation, and gives up to Congress every possible article of taxation that can ever happen. … I would give them power of laying imposts; and I would give them power to lay and collect excises.  I confess that this is a kind of tax so odious to a free people, that I should with great reluctance agree to its exercise; but it is obvious that, unless such excises were admitted, the public burden will be all borne by those parts of the community who do not manufacture for themselves. …

       How are direct taxes to be laid?  By a poll tax, assessments on land or other property?  Inconvenience and oppression will arise from any of them.  I would not be understood that I would not wish to have an efficient government for the United States. 

       [added 8/1/2026]

Subsequent Events:

7/30/1788                8/1/1789               11/21/1789                2/7/1794                11/19/1794

8/23/1799

Authority:

References:

“Chronology of Events, 1774-1804,” from The Debate on the Constitution, two volumes, Bernard Bailyn, ed., (New York: Library of America, 1993), 2:1067-68.

Calvin D. Linton, ed. The Bicentennial Almanac: 200 Years of America, 1776-1976, (Nashville, Tennessee: Thomas Nelson, 1975), 42. 

Irwin A. Schiff, The Great Income Tax Hoax: Why You Can Immediately Stop Paying This Illegally Enforced Tax, (Hamden, Connecticut: Freedom Books, 1985), 435-37.

Joseph R. Stromberg, “Republicanism, Federalism, and Secession in the South, 1790 to 1865,” Secession, State and Liberty, David Gordon, ed., (New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Transaction, 1998), 115.

Avalon Project – Ratification of the Constitution by the State of New York; June 26, 1788
avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/ratny.asp

Current U.s. National Debt:

$40,102,964,278,586

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